Thursday, May 23, 2013

VOANEWS:Syrian Opposition Meets to Weigh Proposed Peace Talks

Syrian Opposition Meets to Weigh Proposed Peace Talks

http://www.voanews.com/content/syrian-opposition-meets-to-weigh-proposed-peace-talks/1666655.html

The main Syrian opposition coalition is meeting in Istanbul for three days of talks that will include its potential involvement in proposed peace talks with the Syrian government.

The United States and Russia have been trying to organize such a conference next month in Geneva, with a plan to bring the two sides together and negotiate terms for an interim government for Syria.

Syrian National Coalition member Louay Safi said Thursday the group still has questions about the talks, but remains opposed to allowing President Bashar al-Assad to take part in a future Syrian government.



"We have a lot of unknowns about the Geneva conference. I mean, we are for any conference that helps transition the situation into an elective government away from the dictatorship, but that will be our condition -- we are not going to accept any negotiations that do not indicate that Assad is going to be out."



The coalition's meetings in Turkey follow a statement of support from top diplomats in the Friends of Syria group, who gathered Wednesday in Amman, Jordan to discuss the peace plan.

In a joint statement, 11 nations stressed the need for a political solution in Syria, with a transitional government that would not include Mr. Assad, members of his government or associates with "blood on their hands."

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry urged Mr. Assad to make "a commitment to find peace in his country."

Russia has called for Iran to be included in the Geneva talks. But Kerry on Wednesday accused Iran of perpetuating what he called Mr. Assad's "campaign of terror" by sending fighters to help Hezbollah militants fight alongside Syrian troops.

The Friends of Syria statement denounced the involvement of foreign fighters in the Syrian conflict, expressing concern about the situation becoming a greater threat to regional stability.

On Thursday, security officials said fighting overnight in neighboring Lebanon between factions supporting different sides of the Syrian conflict killed at least five people.

The deaths happened in Tripoli, where frequent clashes have broken out since the Syrian crisis erupted more than two years ago. Officials said at least 16 people have been killed since the latest outbreak began Sunday.

 

NYTIMES:US, Israel Raise Hopes for Mideast Peace Restart

The Palestinians say there is no point in negotiating while Israel continues to build Jewish settlements. More than 500,000 Israelis now live in the West Bank and east Jerusalem, making it increasingly difficult to partition the land between Israel and the Palestinians. Israel also captured the Gaza Strip in 1967, though it withdrew from the territory in 2005.
The Palestinians have demanded that Israel freeze settlement construction and accept the pre-1967 frontiers as the baselines of a future border. While previous Israeli leaders have used the 1967 lines as a starting point for talks, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin says negotiations should begin without any preconditions.
In some ways, President Barack Obama is responsible for the current predicament. Obama took office in 2009, taking a tough line against the settlements and prodding Israel into a partial construction freeze. But Israel refused to extend the freeze, and a short-lived round of negotiations in 2010 quickly collapsed. Obama similarly tried unsuccessfully to press Israel into accepting the 1967 lines as a baseline for talks.

US, Israel Raise Hopes for Mideast Peace Restart

http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2013/05/23/world/middleeast/ap-ml-us-mideast.html?ref=world
JERUSALEM — The United States and Israel raised hopes Thursday for a restart of the Middle East peace process, despite little tangible progress so far from U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry's two-month-old effort to get Israelis and Palestinians back to the negotiating table.
As they met in Jerusalem, Kerry praised Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for the "seriousness" with which he is looking at ways to revitalize peace hopes. Kerry expressed optimism without outlining any concrete strategy for ending a stalemate between the two sides that has seen them hardly negotiate one-on-one at all over the last 4½ years.
"I know this region well enough to know there is skepticism, in some quarters there is cynicism and there are reasons for it," Kerry told reporters. "There have been bitter years of disappointment. It is our hope that by being methodical, careful, patient — but detailed and tenacious — that we can lay on a path ahead that can conceivably surprise people and certainly exhaust the possibilities of peace."
"That's what we're working towards," said Kerry, who was to meet Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas later Thursday in Ramallah.
Netanyahu said his conversation with the top American diplomat would touch on mutual concerns about Iran and Syria. "But above all," he said, "what we want to do is restart the peace talks with the Palestinians."
"It's something I want, it's something you want," Netanyahu told Kerry. "It's something I hope the Palestinians want as well and we ought to be successful for a simple reason: When there's a will, we'll find a way."
The visit, Kerry's fourth trip to the Jewish state since taking office as secretary of state in February, coincides with deepening pessimism from Palestinian officials about the new peace push. They are planning to resume their campaign of seeking membership in key international organizations as early as next month in a bid to put pressure on Israel into offering some concessions.
Without major U.S. pressure on Israel, the outlook seems bleak. The most immediate divide concerns the issue of Israeli settlement building in the West Bank and east Jerusalem — lands that Israel conquered in the 1967 Mideast war and which the Palestinians hope to include in their state.
While Palestinians praised Kerry's efforts, they said there has been little progress ahead of what they believe to be a June 7 deadline for action. They are already beginning work on a "day-after" strategy.
"We don't have unrealistic expectations. We know the immensity of obstacles," said Hanan Ashrawi, a senior Palestinian official. "If it doesn't work, of course we have our own plans."
The Palestinians say there is no point in negotiating while Israel continues to build Jewish settlements. More than 500,000 Israelis now live in the West Bank and east Jerusalem, making it increasingly difficult to partition the land between Israel and the Palestinians. Israel also captured the Gaza Strip in 1967, though it withdrew from the territory in 2005.
The Palestinians have demanded that Israel freeze settlement construction and accept the pre-1967 frontiers as the baselines of a future border. While previous Israeli leaders have used the 1967 lines as a starting point for talks, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin says negotiations should begin without any preconditions.
In some ways, President Barack Obama is responsible for the current predicament. Obama took office in 2009, taking a tough line against the settlements and prodding Israel into a partial construction freeze. But Israel refused to extend the freeze, and a short-lived round of negotiations in 2010 quickly collapsed. Obama similarly tried unsuccessfully to press Israel into accepting the 1967 lines as a baseline for talks.
Fed up with the impasse and disillusioned with Obama, the Palestinians last fall won recognition from the U.N. General Assembly as a nonmember state, an upgraded diplomatic status that gives them access to key U.N. bodies. The U.S. was one of just eight countries that sided with Israel in opposing the bid.
Israel fears the Palestinians will now seek membership in international agencies to promote an anti-Israel agenda. Its biggest concern is that the Palestinians will try to join the International Criminal Court and try to press war crimes charges against Israel.
Israel's chief peace negotiator, Tzipi Livni, said Thursday that Israel must push forward with peace efforts, in a message directed mainly to hardliners in her own country.
"The Palestinian issue isn't something that will disappear and it is not an issue where someone can say, 'There are more worrying things, so let's not deal with it,'" she told Israel Radio.
"I still think that the freeze of the past four years is bad," she said, speaking in Hebrew. "As time elapses, the ability to ignite the negotiations gets more problematic. The price that Israel pays both in the short and long-term are higher. And therefore the freeze does not serve those that want to reach an agreement."
Livni said the Israeli-Palestinian standoff only serves those who believe in mantras like "here we are holding on to the land, here we built another house, here we prevented an agreement."
"This isn't me and I don't believe it represents the mainstream or the basic position of the Israeli public," she said. "And I believe I represent the Israeli national and security interests in the long-term."
Kerry's plan remains opaque, even to officials in the Obama administration.
One element will clearly focus on improving the Palestinian economy by spurring private investment. He also recently persuaded the 22-member Arab League to renew a decade-old peace offer to Israel, with new incentives aimed at making it more attractive to Israel.
But he has yet to wrest any clear overture from the Israelis.

JPOST:US Embassy: Outpost legalizing undermines peace

US Embassy: Outpost legalizing undermines peace

http://www.jpost.com/Diplomacy-and-Politics/US-Embassy-Outpost-legalization-undermines-peace-process-314008

American official attends High Court hearing on outposts; Legal Forum for Land of Israel condemns his presence as interference.

Israeli efforts to legalize West Bank outposts undermine the peace process, the US Embassy in Tel Aviv warned Wednesday in advance of US Secretary of State John Kerry’s arrival Thursday for a two-day visit to help rekindle talks with the Palestinians.
“We do not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlement activity and oppose any efforts to legalize settlement outposts, which would undermine peace efforts and would contradict Israeli commitments and obligations,” US embassy spokesman Geoff Anisman told The Jerusalem Post on Wednesday.
He added that the US position on these points has been clear and has not changed.
Anisman spoke in the aftermath of a High Court of Justice hearing on a Peace Now petition demanding that the state enforce the law and demolish six unauthorized West Bank outposts.
The state, however, has told the court verbally and in writing that it intends to legalize four of them: Givat Assaf, Ma’aleh Rehavam, Givat Ha- Roeh and Mitzpe Lachish.
A US embassy representative was at the hearing, but refused to speak to the press.
The Legal Forum for the Land of Israel immediately condemned his presence there, charging that it was a blatant US attempt to interfere with Israeli internal legal procedures.
But Anisman said that US representatives often went to court proceedings and Knesset sessions as part of their routine work to monitor Israeli activity. This is similar to how US embassies in other countries operate, he said.
These four unauthorized Jewish communities are part of a larger list of 24 outposts built after March 2001, which former prime minister Ariel Sharon promised the US he would remove. Former prime minister Ehud Olmert repeated that pledge to the US as did Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu shortly after he took office in March 2009.
Hagit Ofran of Peace Now has said that legalization of these four outposts also contradicts past Israeli promises not to create new settlements or expand existing ones.
The Palestinians have insisted that they will not hold direct negotiations with Israel until it halts all West Bank settlement activity and Jewish building in east Jerusalem.
Israel has refused to cede to that request and has insisted instead that talks be held without preconditions.
But since Netanyahu took office in 2009, internally within Israel the conversation about the outposts, has shifted from the diplomatic arena to the internal legal one. The central question when dealing with the outposts has not been its impact on the negotiations, but rather the question of whether they are located on private Palestinian property or state land.
Under Netanyahu, the state’s general policy is to seek authorization of settler homes on state land and to evacuate those on private Palestinian property.
Lawyers for the outposts who spoke before the court on Wednesday addressed the property issues involved in this distinction and argued that the case should be dismissed.
They explained that each outpost has specific issues that should be addressed individually.
Peace Now attorney Michael Sfard, however, argued that his organization’s petition was about law enforcement and had nothing to do with property rights, or the status of the land.
Injunctions have been issued against these outposts since 2004, but were never enforced, he said.
The state speaks of wanting to authorize these outposts, but has come to the court without the necessary government decision to do so, Sfard said.
The state attorney said in response that Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon’s statement that the government wants to authorize them should suffice for the court.
Separately, the state told the court on Tuesday night that within three months, it intends within three months to demolish unauthorized homes on private Palestinian property in the outposts of Mitzpe Yitzhar and Ma’aleh Rehavam.
The state has already removed homes on private Palestinian property on the Ramat Gilad outpost, which is part of the six-outpost petition, but has yet to make a final statement about the status of sections of the outpost on state land.

JPOST:Barred from election, Rafsanjani lambasts Iran authorities

Barred from election, Rafsanjani lambasts Iran authorities

http://www.jpost.com/Breaking-News/Barred-from-election-Rafsanjani-lambasts-Iran-authorities-314113
DUBAI - Former Iranian president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani sharply criticized the country's leadership, opposition website Kaleme said on Thursday, two days after he was disqualified from running in next month's presidential election.

"I don't think the country could have been run worse, even if it had been planned in advance," Rafsanjani reportedly told members of his campaign team on Wednesday, the well respected website reported.

"I don't want to get stoop to their propaganda and attacks but ignorance is troubling. Don't they understand what they're doing."

The comments seem certain to fan divisions between Iran's clerical rulers and opposition groups.

Iran's best known political grandee, Rafsanjani entered the June 14 vote as a reformist candidate at the last minute, igniting interest in a ballot many had viewed as a race between conservatives hardliners.

JPOST:Senate: US must back Israel in case of Iran strike

Senate: US must back Israel in case of Iran strike

http://www.jpost.com/Iranian-Threat/News/Senate-US-must-back-Israel-in-case-of-Iran-strike-314091

Vote passes 99-0 on resolution favoring US support.

WASHINGTON - The Democratic-led Senate voted 99-0 - with one senator not present - on Wednesday night, on a resolution that the United States should support Israel if it were forced to defend itself from an Iranian nuclear threat. The measure also urged Obama to strengthen enforcement of existing sanctions on Iran.
Earlier Wednesday, a US House of Representatives committee approved legislation seeking to impose tighter sanctions on Iran, the latest congressional effort to slow development of the Islamic Republic's disputed nuclear program.
The "Nuclear Iran Prevention Act of 2013" passed the House Foreign Affairs Committee by a unanimous voice vote and is expected to easily pass the full 435-member chamber, where it already has about 340 co-sponsors. A vote by the Republican-controlled House is likely within the coming weeks.
The measure seeks to cut Iran's oil exports to less than 500,000 barrels a day, limit Tehran's access to foreign currency and expand the list of blacklisted sectors of Iran's economy. Sponsors called it the strongest sanctions package ever against Iran's nuclear program.
There is not yet a companion Senate bill to the House measure.
The United States believes Iran is enriching uranium to levels that could be used in nuclear weapons. Tehran says its nuclear program is intended for producing power and medical supplies. Iran is already under sanctions by the United Nations, the United States and the European Union over the program.
Republican and Democratic US lawmakers have both been pushing US President Barack Obama's administration to do more to crack down on Iran's nuclear program.
A UN report showed on Wednesday that Iran was pressing ahead with constructing a nuclear reactor that Western experts say could offer it a second way of producing material for a nuclear bomb if it decides to make one.
A bipartisan group of senators introduced separate legislation earlier this month that would block Iran's access to billions of dollars worth of foreign currency reserves.
And Robert Menendez, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and a sponsor of the resolution that passed on Wednesday, said after that vote he was working on legislation for what he called "perfecting" sanctions to fill loopholes in existing restrictions on Iran.

DAILYBEAST:Lawrence Wright: How I Write

Lawrence Wright: How I Write

by May 22, 2013 4:45 AM EDT

The Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who took on the Church of Scientology in his most recent book, Going Clear, talks about the latest threats from the organization, the wild story of how he got hired by The New Yorker, and the special writing desk that he built himself.

http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2013/05/22/lawrence-wright-how-i-write.html

Where do you live and why?
I live in Austin, Texas. I came in 1980 to work for Texas Monthly, but I only lasted on the staff for six months. I just never left. Austin has a kind of specific gravity that’s hard to escape once you’re here. It has a congenial, collaborative arts community. I think that’s why I’m still here.

Describe your morning routine.
I wake early. I like the fact that the house is quiet then. I make my coffee and read the paper. I don’t like to exercise in the morning. I want as calm an entry into the workday as possible. After breakfast I’ll get rid of the emails that have come in. My productive time is in the afternoon, so I’ll often do research, filling out note cards in the morning, in order to get a head of steam up in the afternoon.
Your day job is as a journalist. How many feature articles will you write in any given year?
It’s really hard to estimate, because I write a number of different things: books, movies, plays, and articles. Depending on the mix, I might write several articles in a year, or one big one, like the Scientology article published in The New Yorker two years ago [the basis for Going Clear], which took an entire year to accomplish. Not all my articles are as intricate and involved as that one.
Is The New Yorker pretty flexible in terms of how much you write? I know some magazines contractually oblige their staff writers to produce six features a year, for example.
If you’re on a contract at The New Yorker, the contract specifies the number of words you will publish in the magazine per year. I get paid by the word, like most writers. That’s one reason why the Scientology article was 25,000 words long! As far as time goes, they don’t care how long it takes you, because they’re not paying by time. They care about the words that are milled and poured into the magazine, whether in one or six articles.
How did you become a staff writer for them?
My first foray toward the magazine was when I returned from living in Egypt for two years, in 1971. I decided I would be a New Yorker writer, so I wrote up a “Letter From Cairo” while living out in a cabin in East Texas. There was one of those mailboxes with a red flag on it. I went out, put the article in the mailbox, and raised the flag for the postman. I swear, it was rejected overnight. Somehow it went all the way from my cabin in Texas to [then–editor in chief] William Shawn and back again with a rejection card in one night. I realized my plan might take longer than anticipated. I spent a long time climbing the ladder of magazine journalism. Many magazines I wrote for have gone out of business. It was a challenging profession. When I finally came to Texas to work for Texas Monthly, that was the most stable relationship of my career at the time. I then worked for Rolling Stone.
The actual way I was hired by The New Yorker: I was asked in 1992, when Ross Perot was running for president. I got a call—I was just getting out of the shower, I remember vividly—I woman was on the line and said, “Lawrence Wright? Hold the phone for Sir Harold Evans.” I thought, “Harry Evans, he’s made a reputation for paying too much money to people just like me!” He was head of Random House at the time. I said, “I’m just shaving, I’ll be right there.” So I looked at the mirror, fortified my resolve, and picked up the phone. Harry says, “Finished your ablutions, old boy.” He had the idea of contracting me to write a quick Ross Perot paperback. He said, “I’ve already ordered the paper for 450,000 books.” Would I be interested? I could be interested. “But it has to be done in five weeks.” That seemed sporting, so I agreed.

I’d already been asked by The New York Times Magazine to write a piece on Perot, and I had to turn them down. So I said, “Could I spin it off for the magazine?” They said sure. So I went off to Texarkana to cover Perot’s childhood. I realize after two of the five allotted weeks, I hadn’t heard from Harry or anyone. Turned out that Perot had scratched my name off the list [of potential biographers]. So I was writing it just for the Times. I was pretty angry. I turned in the piece, a long piece—it was probably 23,000 words. It had been assigned at 6,000. I said, “I’m going to need the whole magazine.” It caused a real furor. Just at that moment, I got a call from Tina Brown’s assistant. Tina was head of Vanity Fair then. The assistant said, “We hear you’ve just written a piece for The New York Times Magazine. We hear that it’s really good, but really long. We’ll publish the whole thing, and we’ll pay you twice as much. Are you interested?” I said, “Of course I’m interested,” but I wasn’t going to do that. But I used that to negotiate with the Times Magazine and they published the whole thing. Right after that Tina Brown got hired by The New Yorker and she contracted me to write another Ross Perot piece. So that was my first New Yorker article. At that time, I was offered a contract by Rolling Stone. I mentioned that to my editor at New Yorker, and she said, “Oh, we can’t have that.” So suddenly they offered me a contract. It was a dream. In retrospect, I’m awfully glad that I didn’t write that quicky Perot paperback. They wound up destroying more than 400,000 books, when he dropped out of the race.
Walk us through writing a feature for The New Yorker. You have an idea for an article, and what are the steps on its route to publication?
It’s back and forth with your editor. I propose most articles that I write, but sometimes they come to me, and I’m always eager to get a good idea from an editor. I have a niche at the magazine that’s difficult for me to break out of. I’m not allowed to write brief things, book reviews. David Remnick wants me out there doing big stories, which I like doing, but there are times I’d like to do smaller pieces. The kinds of stories that I like to do, to satisfy me, I want to have a world to write about, one that most readers don’t know about, and a character who can take you into that world. That’s the character I call “the donkey.” The donkey can carry a lot of weight. All this information you want to shove down the reader’s throat, the donkey can carry that if the reader cares about that figure. It makes a reader willing to swallow what you have to administer.
You’ve made a career out of infiltrating sinister organizations, from al Qaeda to Scientology. In the course of your research, have you ever feared for your personal safety?
Ha! No, I try to make a habit of not thinking about those things. Normally your fears are overblown. And if you become too preoccupied with those concerns, you become paralyzed and don’t do your work. I don’t cover wars. I try to be judicious about what I’m involved in. On the other hand, I work alone. If I’m writing about al Qaeda in Pakistan or Afghanistan, I’m alone and I feel exposed. I do take routine precautions. When I lived in Saudi Arabia after 9/11, it was suggested that I live in a Western housing compound. I didn’t want to do that, so I was living in a middle-class Saudi neighborhood, with a car and a job mentoring young reporters at the Saudi Gazette in Osama bin Laden’s hometown. I varied my routine, changed cars occasionally. It turned out that the al Qaeda attacks that came shortly after I left the country targeted the Western housing complex, not the Saudi flats I lived in.

You practice a sort of reporting…I don’t want to say it’s dying out, but it’s the sort of role that I think of with past foreign correspondents, reporters who are out in the field, who get their hands dirty, who put themselves at risk. Who are some other reporters in that mold, past or contemporary, whose work you admire?
There are a lot of reporters who I feel are a lot more courageous and fool-hardy than I am. Maybe at the top I’d put Dexter Filkins. He’s an extraordinary man, in terms of his nerve and ability to get into dangerous situations and tell the story cogently. He’s bringing back real human stories. I admire that. The rock-bottom foundation on which my tradition stands is George Orwell. It’s not that he was doing this sort of reporting, but I’ve found that the sound of his voice, firm and sensible, courageous to the point of being implacable, that became something I aspired to achieve. That sense of authority. A.J. Liebling, I was nuts about. The Earl of Louisiana was one of those books that determined I was going to be a journalist, because it sounded such fun.
Describe your routine when conceiving of a book and its plot, before the writing begins. Do you like to map out your books ahead of time, or just let it flow?
I have a pretty good idea of where my book is going when I start writing. I’m very old-fashioned, in the sense that I use note cards to contain all the material that I’ve researched. I go through hundreds of books and thousands of articles. I interview, in the case of The Looming Tower, over 600 people. My process is that I collect all this material, then I sit down and go through it and put down the things that are pertinent and interesting to me, on note cards. You have to classify those note cards. That in itself is a form of outlining. You’ve already taken this massive amount of material and cut it down into bite-sized pieces. In The Looming Tower, I’ll know that I’m going to write about Osama bin Laden, and therefore I’ll need to write about his personal life, so I’ll have his different wives, each with a section of note cards, for example. Every instance in which his first wife is mentioned, then, I’d create a card. Might come from an interview, a book, an article in an Arabic newspaper. All the source material would be piled into one section under her name. In the case of Scientology, I knew I’d write about David Miscavage, the current head of the church, and a big issue is the physical abuse that’s been reported that he’s committed against executives in the organization. So whenever anyone talked about that, I would create a card about that and file it under “David Miscavage-Abuse.” That section becomes very thick. When it comes time to write about his proclivity toward violence, I have all of these testimonies, filed in the same place. I can double-check sources. All of it is right there in my hands.
Any idea how many note cards went into any one of your books?
I used to have an estimate. I use 4x6 cards, and the boxes themselves are 14 inches deep. Let me look now for you. It looks like 14 inches. I think I had 14 boxes of al Qaeda material [for The Looming Tower]. There are about 100 cards per inch. Let me see, hang on, how many cards are in here? So if we have 14 inches, times 14, then you have how many cards?
I’ll use a calculator later. A “shitload” of cards I think is the scientific number.
I’m sorry I’m so verbose! I’ve been preaching this method like an evangelist for years, and I don’t think a single person has taken me up on it. I don’t expect them to any longer, but it works. It’s schematic, laborious, but it is very useful. The other thing I’d like to say about my technique is that there are two things I keep foremost in my mind. Scenes and characters. Since I write for movies and plays, dramatic writing as well, I’ve come to appreciate the importance of scenes and characters in a way I might not have, were I writing only nonfiction. If you have great characters, then your reader becomes emotionally invested in those people. IT becomes important to fill out the details of those characters, so they become fully rounded. So you use novelistic techniques in reporting. If you interview, them you can ask what they said, thought, felt. Get into their minds. And the scenes. They add sweep and pace to the narrative. An example is in The Looming Tower. My four donkeys, the main characters, are John O’Neill, head of the FBI Counter-Terrorism Force in New York; Osama bin Laden; Ayman al-Zawahiri; and Prince Turki al-Faisal, head of Saudi Intelligence, who was working with bin Laden in Afghanistan. There was an attack on the Grand Mosque in Mecca in 1979, a traumatic moment in Saudi history. It’s where Prince Turki steps onto the stage in my book. He flies in from Morocco, rushes to the mosque, and runs toward this door where the other Intelligence people are gathered. And a shot rang out, shattering the glass of the door.
As a writer, you pray for those moments when a shot rings out. Here is my character, entering the stage, the scene is about to unfold, but it’s a perfect moment to pause and fill in this information about the bargain between the royal family, religious fundamentalists, and the bin Laden family. So you know the reader is desperate to find out what happened after the shot rang out. Painting the scene, reporting the scene, is just as important as reporting the facts, in terms of building a narrative.
A friend of mine, Kurt Ludtke, who was editor of the Detroit Free Press before becoming a screenwriter—he wrote Out of Africa—he used to tell me about “the rubber-band theory.” That is, if you pose a question, such as “What happened next?” you don’t answer it right away. You stretch it out. The longer you stretch it, the more tension you build before you resolve the question, the more excited the reader becomes. The whole process of making a book into a page-turner is all about the rubber bands placed inside the text.
Is there anything distinctive or unusual about your work space?
Well, I have a wonderful office that I’ve built in my house. David Remnick came to dinner one night and he called it “Writer Porn.” It’s something I’ve made especially for writing, and a desk I designed especially for writing. I have a white board, where I sketch outlines of projects. The most distinctive thing is my writer’s desk, which I had built about 30 years ago. It’s a bit Star Trek-y. It has wings curved around so I can have my manuscripts left and right, facing me. It’s a wonderful design for a writer and I’ve never seen it replicated. I have a doll that used to belong to my daughter, named Nephew. When she grew into her Barbie era, she gave Nephew to me. She was kind of like Scheherazade, telling Nephew stories, and I got so captivated that she said that I’m the only one who loves him now and I should have him.
Now, after Going Clear has come out, has your opinion of Scientology changed?
I have certainly been touched by the damage that organization has inflicted on so many families by its policy of disconnection; and I’m also very disturbed by the exploitation of children who are recruited into the church’s clergy at alarmingly young ages, forced to surrender their education and work round the clock for negligible wages.
I use note cards to contain all the material that I’ve researched.
How did you get the people who fled to the church to open up to you?
It’s a matter of building trust. You talk to as many people as you can—what I call horizontal reporting. Gradually, the word gets out that you’re becoming encyclopedic and people don’t want to have their stories left out. Then you will always find some sources who are more candid, more insightful, and more connected than others. Those sources you go back to again and again and again—what I call vertical reporting. Using those two axes, you gain a broad view but also one that has depth.
Is there any update on the lawsuit threats from the church?
They have remained just that—threats.
How did The New Yorker and your publisher prepare for the inevitable lawsuit threats from Scientology following the article and your book?
I was fortunate to have two such stalwart partners as The New Yorker and Knopf watching my back. Of course we had extensive legal vetting in both cases, but ultimately the book has to make the case for itself on the basis of careful reporting and extensive fact-checking. I love my checkers.
What is the status of Going Clear in Canada and the U.K.?
In Canada, it’s up to Knopf to decide whether to distribute, and I hope they will soon. My U.K. publisher dropped the book after receiving a legal threat from the church through a famous libel-law firm in London. Since then, Parliament has revised Britain’s awful libel laws. I went to London and spoke to members of the House of Lords while they were considering the new legislation. I’m hopeful that, with the public-interest section of the new defamation bill, that Going Clear will soon have a U.K. edition.
What is your favorite snack?
I love apples. I actually do eat an apple a day. At the end of the day, I like to exercise, then play the piano until dinner is ready.
What would you like carved onto your tombstone?
I’m trying to avoid any kind of mortality. At one point two friends and I created “The Immortality Working Group.” We’re in full-fledged denial of death, although one of us has passed on since then. I have, so far, not carved my tombstone.
This interview has been edited and condensed.

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Noah Charney's most recent book is Stealing the Mystic Lamb: The True Story of the World's Most Coveted Masterpiece. He is the author of a new eBook single, The Wine Forger’s Handbook, and a new App called Museum Time, which features his guided tours of the best museums of Spain.

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WHITEHOUSE.GOV:CARNEY ON SYRIA PEACE TALKS, PARTICIPATION

http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/05/21/press-briefing-press-secretary-jay-carney-5212013

Q    So one detail -- the U.S. administration is okay with negotiating with the Assad regime, but not --

MR. CARNEY:  I think we have made clear that it is up to the Syrian opposition to decide in that transition with whom they will have those conversations, which members of the present government or the Assad government they would have those discussions.  They have made clear that they do not view Assad as having a role in that process.  We have made clear that we do not believe that Assad has any place in Syria's future.  But obviously, the decisions about the process itself and who participates in it would have to be agreed to by the Syrian opposition.